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David Barton Still at It

David Barton, director of Wallbuilders ministry, appeared a few months back on the Mike Huckabee show. According to the Wallbuilders website, its purpose includes “Presenting America’s Forgotten History.” This consists primarily of focusing on the role of Christianity in the nation’s founding. Historians have published hundreds of books on the founding, many of which describe the crucial role of religion. Unfortunately, Barton has read none of them. He is convinced that modern scholars have purged their research of allusions to Christianity and men of faith. (See my post Barton's Forgotten Christian History for a list of books on religion in America.) Consequently, he and his staff of researchers bypass the rich historical writing on religion in American and go directly to the original sources. American’s should read the original sources of our nation’s founding. But a little historical background can be helpful in preventing the commission of some serious errors of fact or interpretation. To suggest an analogy, Barton’s approach resembles the case if a recent graduate from a bible college set out to write a bible commentary without any exposure to Augustine, Aquinas, Luther, Calvin, Knox, Spurgeon, Edwards, Warfield, MacArthur, and Piper. Let’s look at the video and some of Barton’s errors.
 
View it here

As is his custom, Barton makes himself available only to friendly interviewers who provide a forum for his ministry and will not challenge any of his statements. Huckabee identifies himself as a fan and a friend of Barton. Huckabee then shares his reaction that first time he watched a video of one of Barton’s presentations. Huckabee describes how he felt “stunned” because Barton was telling him things he was “never taught in school.” Later I will provide a simple answer why Huckabee’s teachers never told him the things he heard on Barton’s tape.

Huckabee provides the agreed to set up for Barton with his allusion to the Declaration of Independence and the men who signed it. Barton directs the viewer’s attention to a painting of the signing of the Declaration and notes the prominent position of Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson. Implying the existence of an academic conspiracy against Christian founders, Barton explains that “we have been trained to recognized the two least religious guys.” Barton then introduces the viewers to signers Benjamin Rush, Roger Sherman (who Barton fails to actually identify by name), Charles Thompson, Robert Treat Paine, and Stephen Hopkins.

May I suggest a few reasons--other than a secular, academic conspiracy-- why Franklin and Jefferson stand out.

Benjamin Franklin was the most well known American of the colonial and early national era. He enjoyed success as a writer, a scientist (for which he became a member of the Royal Society of London), and a diplomat. Until the formation of the new government and the election of George Washington, Franklin was the face of America to the rest of the world. His skills as a writer earned him the initial assignment to draft the Declaration of Independence. He refused because he did not like the idea of the other members of the drafting committee revising anything he might write. The committee turned to Jefferson.

Thomas Jefferson, too, was an accomplished writer. He already earned a reputation for his A Summary View of the Rights of British America. He, of course, wrote the text of the Declaration of Independence. (Ironically, Franklin could not resist revising. He suggested changing Jefferson’s phrase (“We hold these truths to be sacred and undeniable” to “We hold these truths to be self-evident.”) Later Jefferson became governor of Virginia and served the new national government as Secretary of State, Vice-President, and President for two terms. Later he established the University of Virginia.

Now compare Franklin’s and Jefferson’s accomplishments with those cited by Barton for Charles Thompson: “he is responsible for a famous American edition of the bible;“ for Robert Treat Pain “ a chaplain;” and for Stephen Hopkins, “a Quaker--very outspoken--he used the Christian religion as the basis for why we should separate from Great Britain . . . ”

It should be obvious, even to Huckabee, why his teachers never taught him the things shared by Barton: his teachers had better historical sense than Barton. They know what is important and what is not.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Premature Ejaculations in Black and White

South Carolina Congressmen Joe Wilson ignited a firestorm by his untimely outburst during President Barak Obama’s address to the joint session of Congress. When the President attempted to answer critics of his health insurance plan (or at least assure public viewers of his address) that the plan excluded illegal immigrants, Wilson interrupted the address with the charge, “You lie!” You can see the video here.

The veracity of Wilson’s charge may be confirmed in the months or years ahead, depending on the outcome of the political battle over health care. Technically, the plan does exclude illegal immigrants. But three problems remain. First, the plan contains no enforcement provisions. Second, regardless of the wording, some advocacy group will no doubt file a lawsuit in federal court to expand coverage to illegal immigrants. (Remember the court’s ruling on illegal immigrants and public schools!) And third, President Obama has proposed already his desire to put in place a process to legalize the immigrants living in the United States. Once they acquire citizenship, they will be eligible for participation in whatever health insurance plan emerges.

But his ejaculatory outburst certainly was premature. He should not have interrupted the President in the middle of his address. Representative Wilson should have responded later that night or the next day. He possesses ample communication vehicles for expressing his opposition--a press conference, a radio address or interview, a newspaper column, a web post, or a twitter. In one or more of those formats, Wilson could articulate clearly his claim that the President lies, his opposition to the President’s plan, and his support for a Republican alternative.

Interrupting the President in the middle an address exhibited more than simple rudeness and incivility. Wilson demeaned two of the institutions that our founding fathers created to provide a voice for the people in enacting the laws under which we live. Regardless of how one feels about our President or the current crop of legislators, conservatives of all people should uphold the dignity and respect for the presidency and the Congress.

Wilson was rude. Wilson was un-conservative. But was he racist? Some pundits believe so. New York Times columnist Maureen Dowd wrote that what she heard was “You lie, Boy.” Dowd  claims that “Some people just can’t believe that a black man is president and will not accept it.” She offered up as evidence that Wilson belonged to the Sons of Confederate Veterans and supported the retention of the Confederate battle flag as part of the South Carolina state flag. Former President Jimmy Carter attracted the most attention. “ I think its based on racism, “ he remarked. “There is an inherent feeling among many in this country that an African-American should not be president.”

Well, probably some American do feel that way. But it is certainly a convoluted argument to claim that because some American’s feel that way, Rep. Wilson feels that way. Moreover, Wilson’s beliefs about race (and everything else for that matter) exist privately in his own mind. Until he expresses them or others contrive a way to gain access to the contents of another person’s mind, no one can really know them. A lot of reading between the lines of Wilson's two words took place. Dowd’s and Carter’s charges simply reveal the cynicism of liberals who seek to deflect opposition to the President by ascribing sinister motives to his opponents rather than actually engaging them.

Meanwhile, in a less august but more widely viewed public gathering, another rude outburst attracted attention. At the MTV Video Music Awards ceremony, Taylor Swift received an award for Best Female Video. In the middle of her acceptance speech, Kanye West stormed on stage to steal her moment. To the shock of the audience and the television viewers at home, West pulled the microphone from her and expressed his outrage over the decision. “ I‘m sorry,” he declared, “but Beyonce had one of the best videos of all time.” He then stormed off-stage to boos and heckling. You can see the video here.

West’s outburst, like Wilson’s, was premature. He, too, could have expressed his displeasure in other ways. He could call a press conference, post a blog, or twitter. He could even write a hip-hop lament about life and injustice in the entertainment ghetto of MTV. To burst on-stage during the acceptance speech of another performer, however, disrespects not only that performer, but also the music community of which Kanye himself is a member. Regardless of how one feels about today’s popular music, the performers, writers, and producers have instituted different means of awarding excellence in their particular fields. The MTV Video Awards presentation is one of them. The episode reveals not only reveals West’s egotism, but also his lack of respect for those whose profession he shares.

He later apologized. In a blog, he said he was “sooooo sorry.” But then he added this overlooked explanation for his outburst. “Everyone wanna boo me but I am a fan of real pop culture.” He did not elaborate exactly what that means. But reading between the lines--say like Maureen Dowd in her analysis of Rep. Wilson’s comments--it sounds just a little culturally insensitive. He appears to share a view of culture that sees tradtion white ( European or Western) cultures as bland or maybe vanilla in taste. And as a part of the dominant or establishment culture, it is, well, not as authentic as the various ethnic cultures in America. For Kanye, real pop culture means black culture.

Sooooo rude.

Sooooo sorry.

Sooooo racist.

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Gimme that Ole Tyme Religion

As the saying goes, politics makes strange bedfellows. But never more so than when politics is in the sack with religion.

The Jews emerged from antiquity as a group of desert savages who laid waste to much of Canaan, “devoting to destruction” the inhabitants of the land, with their children, their livestock, and their property. Over several centuries, they aspired to become a great state. A couple of @ss kickings by the Romans and their subsequent dispersion dispelled them of that notion. But their unique monotheism and the teachings of a rabbi named Yeshua spread to Europe through a Hellenized Jew named Paul and transformed that civilization. Unfortunately, the Gentile heirs of the Christian branch of Judaism lost regard for their roots. Anti-Semitism became a European tradition.

The Jewish people have found America much more welcoming. Although anti-Semitic slights and some violence have been part of their American experience,, the ghettos, pogroms, expulsions, and death camps remain a tragic story of the Old World. And now that the Jews have reconstituted themselves as an independent nation, they enjoy military and financial support from the world’s most powerful nation.

The Christian evangelical/fundamentalist community in the United States remain their strongest supporters. This support largely rests on their theological views of the future. Hal Lindsey, in his The Late, Great Planet Earth and subsequent volumes detailing the dispensationalist interpretation of prophetic scriptures, popularized among non-dispensationalists and even among non-believers the scenario of events involving Israel and the end of history. The political implications are that the United States needs to be on the same page as Jesus when it comes to Israel. Lindsay has suggested that some branches of reformed Christianity that do not concur with his dispensationalist views are not only wrong, but also are setting Israel up for another holocaust.

More recently, John Hagee has emerged at the leading Christian spokesman on behalf of Israel. He, too, has written books on Israel and prophesy, including Jerusalem Countdown and In Defense of Israel. In addition, he formed Christians United for Israel to support Israel through lobbying efforts with the U.S. Congress.

This is all very interesting because Israel is a modern, secular, socialist state. Israelis enjoy the same freedoms as citizens of other European-style democracies. And Israelis also enjoy the less savory aspects of freedom: alcohol, drugs, and pornography. Their abortion rate is only slightly lower than that of the United States. They even have the dreaded national health care, in which every Israeli must enroll. And sadly, in their fight for survival against their Arab neighbors, Israel makes no distinction between Christian and Muslim Arabs. Palestinian Christians undergo intense suffering at the hands of both Israelis and the Muslim Palestinians. The American evangelical community turns it head.

(For a appeal regarding their plight, see here)

http://kawther.info/wpr/2009/01/14/gaza-appeal-from-bethlehem-bible-college

 

In contrast, it seems that the Arab world has a stronger moral claim to the support of evangelicals. For example, look at the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. No liquor; no drugs; no pornography; no abortions; no homosexuals. It looks almost like Jesus landed in Mecca to usher in the Millenial Kingdom instead of on the Mount of Olives and everyone missed it.
 
Meanwhile,  on college campuses across the United States a more bizarre mating ritual takes place. A small, but very vocal minority of student activists exists, who apparently believe in liberal "ownership" of the campus. (Perhaps the only property rights they concede.) They come out in force to disrupt conservative speakers and prevent the expression of their views in the supposeedly open marketplace of ideas. But when advocates of  fundamentalist Islam arrive on campuses at the invitation of the Muslim Student Association or other Muslin student organizations, the student radicals grow mysteriously silent. The irony, howver, is deafening. Islam, especially its fundamentalist strains, opposes not only the the open societies of the West, but especially those things that the radical left holds dear. Islam threatens academic freedom, freedom of religion, freedom of speech and expression, equality of women, sexual freedom, homosexuality, alcohol and narcotics comsumption, and about everything else embraced by the radical left.
 
For example, Abdul Malik Ali spoke at several California Universities between 2004-2006 at the invitation of the MSA. In several of these speeches, he blamed the Jews for 9/11. The MSA sponsored a Palestinian Awareness Day at Brown University in 2007 in which several speakers repeated the same claim and praised Hamas.. Another occasional college speaker is the Imam Abdul Alim Musa. In the 1960s, he went by his birth name of Clarence Reams and associated with H. Rap Brown before they both converted to Islam.  He seeks the establishment of the Islamic States of America by 2050.
 
But when these speakers come to American campuses, the radical left grows strangely silent. One would  think that speakers so extremely antithetical to liberal and radical  worldviews would attract vociferous opposition. It appears they share a mutual hatred for the West in general and the United States in particular even as they benefit from the Western traditionals. But then, politics makes strange bedfellows. So student radicals, slip on your burqas and sliide under the covers.
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David Barton's Missing Christian History

In two previous posts, the Secular Square examined some general views of David Barton on history as expressed in his essay, God Missing in Action from American History. Barton accuses modern professional historians of deliberately removing God from any role in history and secularizing their accounts of the American past. They do this, according to Barton, in order to support their secular social and political agenda.

He really opposes professional academic history itself. Instead, he prefers older accounts that try to explain history in terms God’s Providential working of his purposes in history. (Implicit is the notion that all history is moving to the second coming of Jesus Christ. This, of course, it not history at all. It is historicism, where history is swallowed up by eschatology). He seems unaware of analytical historical accounts of Christian history that try explain the ways in which religious faith informs American culture. Instead, if his “recommended reading” page is any indication, his interest in history does not go beyond anecdotal collections he finds useful in promoting his brand of conservatism. Barton shares the conservative concern about the direction of our country. He believes it has lost its moral and spiritual bearings. Barton utilizes his largely anecdotal sources to demonstrate that the federal courts negotiated a series of wrong turns in their constitutional interpretation and severed religion from public institutions in ways unintended by our founders. Most Conservatives agree. He seeks to restore original intent. Most conservatives agree. And as evidenced in other essays posted on the Wallbuilders web page, he seems convinced that if Americans can legally display nativity scenes in town squares, erect Ten Commandment monuments in parks, reintroduce prayer at the start of each school day, replace evolution with creationism in science classes, and teach American history as “His story,” America will regain sound and steady course established by our country‘s founders. And this program sets the narrow parameters of Barton’s historical interest. Beyond his utilitarian aimsfor history, Barton seems singularly incurious.

The rich historical tradition of writings about Christianity in America is too expansive to give it complete due. For those readers who possess more inquiring minds, below is a brief "Greatest Hits" list of the Christian history Barton missed. Many of these are evangelical accounts and evangelical “friendly;” all are by professional academic historians.

Surveys:

Sydney Ahlstrom    A Religious History of the American People

Edwin Gaustad          Religious History of America

Mark Noll                   History of Christianity in the US and Canada

Mark Noll                   The Rise of Evangelicalism

Nathan Hatch             The Democratization of American Christianity

The Puritans:

Perry Miller                Orthodoxy in Massachusetts

Perry Miller                    The New England Mind (two volumes)

Edmund Morgan         The Puritan Family

Edmund Morgan          Visible Saints

Edmund Morgan          The Puritan Dilemma: The Story of John Winthrop

Robert Middlekauff    The Mathers

Michael Zuckerman    Peaceable Kingdoms: New England Towns in the 17th century

Philip Gura                   A Glimpse of Sion’s Glory

Harry Stout                The New England Soul

Great Awakening:

Alan Heimert             Religion and the American Mind

Edwin Gaustad          The Great Awakening in New England

Wesley Gewehr         The Great Awakening in Virginia

Charles Maxson       The Great Awakening in the Middle Colonies

Rhys Isaac                Transformation of Virginia

Janet Lindman          Bodies of Belief: Baptist Community in Early America

William Lumpkin       Baptist Foundations in the South

Christine Heyrman    Southern Cross: The Beginning of the Bible Belt

Monica Najar             Evangelizing the South

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David Barton's Insurgency Against American History (2)

David Barton accuses modern historians of America with turning history into a “dreary academic subject” and of deliberately misrepresenting the past in order to promote secular public policies. As he develops his charge in an essay titled “God Missing in Action from American History,” two things become clear. First, what he really opposes is not modern academic history’s alleged dreariness, but modern academic history itself. Second, he knows very little about modern academic history.

David Barton’s assertion that history should focus on biography and express a discernment of God’s Providence superintending over it all reveals the kind of history he prefers: that written before the advent of professional academic history. Barton apparently finds appeal in the sermons and journals of colonial ministers and patrician-historians of the 18th and 19th centuries.

The most well-known journal was that of William Bradford, the perennial governor of Plymouth colony. Later published as On Plymouth Plantation, Bradford narrates the story of the Pilgrims using biblical motifs and attributing the direction of their affairs to the providence of God. In this type of history, the Pilgrims are cast in the role of a New World Children of Israel, as God’s chosen people arriving in their own New Canaan. Through their triumphs and their tragedies, God’s hand sustains and strengthens them.

The patrician-historians were men of leisure who produced historical narratives as quality literature for a growing reading public. Some of the earliest examples include Robert Beverley‘s History and Present State of Virginia, Thomas Jefferson‘s Notes on Virginia , and Thomas Hutchinson’s History of Massachusetts Bay. Perhaps the best known work of this kind was George Bancroft’s History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, published in 12 volumes between 1834 and 1882. Bancroft saw in American history not as an especially religious enterprise, but as the unfolding of God’s plan for establishing freedom and democracy in the world.

During Bancroft’s work on his last volumes, Johns Hopkins University laid the foundation for modern academic history beginning in 1876. Johns Hopkins graduate school pioneered the training of professional historians in research, analysis, and interpretation. The American Historical Association was organized in 1884. The American Historical Review began publishing in 1895. Since that time, professionally trained historians have produced the bulk of historical writing. It is their ideas that reach the classroom.

The advent of professional history did not mean an end to popular history. Freelance writers, journalists, and even some professional historians continue to publish histories for the general public. But the hard work of original research and writing for professional journals that makes these books possible is done by academically trained historians. And this is what Barton does not understand.

History is more than biography. If Barton laments the narrow focus of works on economics, or politics, or whatever, he must learn that historical research must take place within established parameters. No man or woman has enough years in lifetime to research, analyze and, write the “grand theory” of everything. (Texts for survey courses attempt this and are usually the product of several authors.) Consequently, historians narrow their research in time or a place. They may focus on economics, ideas and ideology, politics, organizational theory, demographics, ethnicity, gender, or even religion. (Barton is apparently even unaware of the rich tradition of historical writing on Christianity). It is the study of change over time that provides historical context for the era in which we live, something that biographies, however interesting, really cannot do.

And that fact has Barton stumped. He loves this country and is troubled by its crime, its vice, and its secular outlook in which Christianity plays a diminishing role. It is very different from the colonial and early national period in which he directs most of his interest. Because he lacks even basic familiarity with the conclusions of American historical writing,however,  he does not understand the era in which he lives and how our nation came to be this way. Consequently, he reaches for the latest Christian conspiracy theory -- America is more secular because historians have failed to include God in their explanatory models and that God is missing in action from American history. Modern American remains a riddle for him.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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David Barton's Insurgency Against American History

David Barton has maintained a successful career as a speaker and writer in Christian circles on the topic of American history. Through publications, video presentations, and personal appearances, he focuses on the role of Christians and Christianity in our nation’s early history. As an educational enterprise, nothing is wrong with that. Far too many Americans either have never learned or have forgotten what they have learned about American history in general. As a foray into group identity politics, Barton’s mission is relatively harmless. Feminist activists or ethnically based activists seek to identify the achievements of women or minorities in American history. Why can’t Christians do the same? Barton’s approach to the writing and teaching of American history, however, suggests a more insidious agenda. In an article entitled, “God Missing in Action from American History,” Barton attempts to establish that the contemporary approach to history ignores the role of God and religion. Moreover, he charges that historians have betrayed their craft by promoting this approach in order to support the secularization of American public policy. What Barton ironically demonstrates, however, is his own ignorance of and distain for history as a academic discipline and that his own approach to history itself constitutes part an effort to impact public policy.

Barton opens his essay with a dubious and downright peculiar claim:

American history today has become a dreary academic subject. Yet, most who are bored by American history view Bible history quite differently: they love the stories of David and Goliath, Daniel and the lion's den, and Peter walking on the water. So it's not that people don't enjoy history, it's just that they don't respond favorably to the way American history is currently being taught.

On the one hand, the alleged dreariness of history may be audience specific. The same could be said for other disciplines such as science or math. It depends on who you ask. Or maybe any history other than Christian history bores David Barton. On the other hand, for those who believe such things, the exceptional and supernatural events from “bible history” are far more interesting than the mundane events taught about in today’s classroom. If President Obama actually walked on the waters of the Potomac (like many of his supporters apparently believe is possible) or if God rained fire and brimstone on San Francisco, history classes probably would be more lively.

Barton suggests that history instruction should follow the biblical pattern of instruction. First, it should be biographical in structure. To some extent, this is a legitimate complaint. Although many history survey texts contain biographical information and many history teachers assign biographies for additional reading, much historical writing employs so called “impersonal forces” in the explanatory models. Second, history instruction should discern God’s providence in men’s affairs. In Barton’s words,

Today, however, history is presented in such an edited, revised, and politically-correct manner that God's hand is rarely visible .

That last suggestion is problematical. In the bible, readers are allegedly given the “inside scoop“ into God‘s direction of history. The text describes him creating the physical universe (Gen. 1:1), altering its physical properties (2 Kings 6:5-6), and interfering with the cognitive faculties and free wills of human beings (2 Kings 22:20-23) to accomplish his purposes. Unfortunately, he left no such record of his activities during the formation of the United States. History teachers could offer such vague allusions as “In God’s Providence. . . ” or perhaps “God saw fit . . . ” to their didactic instruction, but these add little to the understanding.

Barton directs his main objection, however, to what he perceives is the primacy given by historians to factors other than religion and morality in their explanatory models. He seems especially disturbed by the economic explanations of the so-called progressive historians such as Charles and Mary Beard. (Never mind that his God utilizes economics in his own explanatory models-- John 12:4-6; Matt. 24:14-16). According to Barton, the economic paradigm of the Beards and likeminded historians distorts the truth about the founding of America.

Under the economic view of American history, Americans now believe that the early colonists came to America seeking land and gold rather than for the reason most cited by the colonists: evangelization.

In addition, this focus on economics misleads Americans about their own revolution. Many issues contributed to the break with Britain. But the focus of historians on economics has led to a kind of reductionism in which British monetary policies are emphasized to the exclusion of everything else. Although the Declaration of Independence contains many charges against King George III,

since "taxation without representation" was the economic grievance in the Declaration, it became the sole clause that Americans studied.

Barton blames this approach to history for the current political climate. Because of several decades of the neglect of religious and moral aspects of history in favor of economic ones, religious and moral issues today do not seem as important as economic ones. Our country’s religious worldview has been eclipsed by a secular one. That this is so is a measure of the success of the deliberate plan on the part of historians. Historical revisionism, according to Barton, has altered

 

the way a people sees its history in order to cause a change in public policy.

Barton’s critique begins as a pedagogical complaint. But he turns it into an attack on history as done by professional academics and to an outrageous charge that historians have deliberately eviscerated history of its religious content in order to advance their secular political agenda. Barton’s attack is not a frontal assault by any means. He does not publish anything in peer reviewed professional journals; neither does he engage in debate with professional historians. His attack is more like an insurgency, operating behind the lines in American churches. And he is wrong.

The next post will show why.

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Christianity in the Public Square

It is the contention of the Secular Square that debate in the public square should be secular in tone. This is not to suggest that religious people, particularly Christians in our western culture, have no right to engage in policy debate. No litmus test, religious or otherwise, should restrict public debate. Anyone should be able to weigh in on defense policy , economic and monetary policy , health care and health insurance, marriage licensing, abortion, or any other topic. Neither does this view suggest that Christians should not base their views on their scriptures. All insight should be welcome in the discussion of policies to enhance the happiness and prosperity of Americans. But when someone prefaces an argument with the phrase, “God says that . . . ,” it creates a whole set of problems.

First, how are Americans who do not accept the premise of the argument supposed to respond? If someone objects to that premise of that argument, important public debate can be sidetracked into a philosophical and theological discussion of the merits of the claim that the bible is God’s word to man. Such a debate is not likely to reach a satisfactory conclusion in the near future. Christians have been working to establish the truth of that claim for 2000 years and will be continuing to do so for the next 2000. Second, if everyone concedes to that claim, can meaningful debate continue? How are unbelievers supposed to contribute to debate if they are arguing against the word of God to man? Non-Christians become sort of a dhimmitude while Christians argue among themselves about appropriate policy decisions. A third option is possible but unlikely. Non-believers could assert that they, too, agree that the bible is God’s word but that they owe their allegiance to the Prince of Darkness and must to fight on. Meaningful debate can continue under that scenario, but debate is likely to be even less civil than it is already.

Second, as implied in the second point above, Christians themselves disagree on social issues. Liberal Christians and conservative Christians have disagreed on a host of public policy issues in the past and continue to do so today: alcohol, drugs, capital punishment, integration, marriage, divorce, reproductive rights, abortion, education, and religious displays and monuments on government property. Both sides claim the sanction of God’s word.

Finally, basing arguments on scriptures does not facilitate political compromise that is often necessary for government action. How can one compromise God’s revealed will? Christians could assert that compromise on personal obedience to scripture is sin and concede  that compromise on public policy is permissible. But will Christians disagree about that as well? Of course, lack of compromise is not a problem particular to Christians. Ideologues of all political persuasions are out there unwilling to compromise their views in order to reach some policy resolution. But it is debatable how much if anything they contribute to meaningful resolutions in our democracy.

“God said it, I believe it, that settles it.” It may sooth the minds of Christians and insulate them from being troubled by the perplexing questions we face as citizens. It does nothing to clarify discussion or to provide answers to those questions.

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Francis Collins, Science, and Religion

President Obama’s selection of Francis Collins to direct the National Institutes of Health has led to unusually passionate posts from the right, especially here at Townhall. Michell Malkins’ Two Scientists Two Standards and Ken Conner’s Science: Theists Need Not Apply aptly sum up in their titles concerns about double standards involving religious faith and public service, especially in scientific fields. Conner charged that “Religious bigotry is alive and well in the scientific community, as evidenced by its response to President Obama's decision to appoint Dr. Francis Collins as the head of the National Institutes of Health.” And Cal Thomas added in President Obama’s Excellent Choice his take that “it troubles some secularists who believe science should proceed unrestrained by any higher principles than what can be achieved in a laboratory.”

These views are unusually passionate in that the reaction to the selection of Collins has been rather quiet so far. Perhaps more of the alleged bigotry will manifest itself in the days ahead when both science organizations and editors of science journals have had more time to digest the news. Until now, most of the major new outlets (CNN: Washington Post) and major science publications (Nature; Scientific American) carried innocuous straightforward accounts of Collins that focused as much on his guitar playing as on his religious views. There does not seem to be widespread bigotry to Obama’s selection in the science community at all. The New York Times, citing anonymous sources of course, suggested that there are some reservations out there. Since the article citied anonymous sources, however, the point is irrelevant. And no one can accuse the Times reporters of membership in the scientific community. The paper’s reporters are trained to write well; most of them know next to nothing about science or religion.

More important is the misunderstanding of these conservative commentators on the nature of science and its relationship to religion. Science as “first order” knowledge is the examination of the physical world using empirical modes of inquiry. Now its methods are subject to analysis and criticism from a philosophical point of view. Philosophy can be helpful as “second order” knowledge by using its own mode of inquiry to help science clarify definitions, refine explanatory models, and design experiments, etc. When people criticize science for its materialistic or atheistic world view, however, they make two errors.

First, they forget that because of the object of its study and its mode of inquiry, science cannot factor the possible existence of a deity into their explanatory models. Scientists focus on the material world and natural forces. Traditionally, a supreme being is conceived as an immaterial being--a mind without a body--if you will. Consequently, no supreme being can be discovered by science and its empirical modes of inquiry. The possible existence of a supreme being will become an object of scientific study only if science develops a way to detect the existence of immaterial entities (a human soul? angels? ghosts? a truly conservative Republican presidential candidate?).

Second, when they challenge the materialistic world view of modern science, they abandon their domain of “second order” analytical knowledge without clearly alerting us and assert “first order” metaphysical knowledge about the existence of a supreme being. Now this is the proper role of philosophy, especially philosophical theology. By philosophical theology, I mean the attempt to examine the possible existence of a supreme being strictly through philosophy and its particular modes of inquiry. Philosophers have made some formidable arguments in support of the existence of a supreme being. But the arguments, however logically crisp, are not science and at this time cannot be evaluated by scientific modes of inquiry. In that way they are irrelevant to science.

This does not imply that philosophical theology is irrelevant altogether. Philosophical religion has a different object of study from science and different modes of inquiry in its quest for truth. In this sense is compatible with science; it just remains difficult for the two different fields to engage each other. Consequently, religious believers should not experience alarm when science does not employ the concept of a supreme being in its explanatory models. Conversely, scientists should use caution whenever discussing the concept of a supreme being. When they do, they are no longer working as scientists; they are acting as philosophers. And their scientific knowledge brings little to bear on this question. Unfortunately, this has not stopped them. As one philosopher noted while trying to establish this point, one can always find a bunch of scientists ready to barge in where angels fear to tread.

The relationship between science and religion grows more complex when one moves from strictly philosophical theology to dogmatic theology. By dogmatic theology, I mean the use of philosophy to explicate and defend revelation from a supreme being. When believers claim that a supreme being exists and that it has revealed something to us, two fundamental problems confront us. First, it is difficult to establish the truth of the claim that someone possesses a revelation from a supreme being. Second, most alleged revelations contain not only expressions of the supreme being’s will for humanity, but also propositions about nature and history. These latter knowledge claims can be tested. When revelations about nature contradict what we know to be true scientifically, religion in this sense does become incompatible with science. Then the believer must decide how to reconcile them. If you are Kurt Wise, you abandon modern scientific views for revelation. If you are Francis Collins, you transmogrify revelation so that it conforms to modern science.

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The Bible and Marriage: NT View

A previous post surveyed bible texts from the Old Testament writings dealing with marriage and family. I organized these texts around patriarchy, the concept that a father rules over his household through providing for and protecting members in return for their deference or obedience. Let’s take a look at similar texts from the New Testament writings dealing with marriage and family.

The historical context of the New Testament scriptures differs from that of the Old Testament scriptures. Some eight to twelve hundred years had passed. Conquest of Israel by Alexander brought in over three hundred years of Hellenistic culture. After a brief period of independence, conquest by Pompey made Israel a province of the Roman Empire. And writers of the New Testament scriptures obviously believed that through Jesus God had made a change in his dealings with his people. Nevertheless, one thing that had not changed was the belief fin the patriarchal family. Consequently, the concept of patriarchy will again serve as a good organizing principle around which these scriptures can be examined.

All New Testament scriptures assume the natural marriage between a man and a woman. Homosexual marriage seems beyond their comprehension. Jesus defined marriage as a union between man and woman. (Matt. 19:4-5). Moreover, Paul condemned. homosexuality itself in no uncertain terms (Rom. 1:24-32). Manifesting his ethical continuity with the Old Testament writings of Moses, he concluded they are worthy of death. Modern liberal theologians may not agree with Jesus and Paul. When they teach otherwise, however, they delude themselves and the congregations they allegedly serve.

Paul did not question that fathers should rule over their households. When providing guidelines about identifying potential leaders in the church, he asked the rhetorical question “if a man know not how to rule his own house, how shall he take care of the church of God?” (1Ti. 3:5).

Paul believed fathers should work to provide for their family. He exhorted Christians to work. (1 Th. 4:11). He instructed the church that a man who does not provide for his own family “has denied the faith” and is worse than an infidel” (1 Tim. 5:8). Moreover, he warned the church against giving financial assistance to those who refuse to work (2 The. 3:10). Provision probably included the Semitic tradition of multiple wives. Identifying the characteristics of church leaders, Paul confined church offices to husbands of one wife (1 Tim. 3.2; 1 Tim. 3:12; Ti. 1:6). This implies that general acceptance of polygamy. In contrast, Greeks had long before outlawed polygamy; Rome discouraged it.

Paul directed that men provide spiritual leadership in the church and at home. He reserved all church offices for men. ( 1 Tim. 2:12-14; 1Tim. 3:2, 3:12; Ti. 1:5-6; Christian women could not speak in church, but Paul admonished them to inquire about religious questions from their husbands at home ( I Tim. 2:11; 1 Co. 14:34). Fathers were obligated to rear their children in their religious faith (Eph. 6:4; Col. 3:21).

Paul summed up the duty of a man to provide for his own and to direct their religious life in the commands for husbands to love their wives. (Eph. 5:25; Col. 3:19).This particular word for love is not erotic love, but more like divine love. It meant to love without regard to the worthiness of the object of one’s love or to any benefit that might come from the object of one’s love. It was to love for the good of the other.

New Testament scriptures all agree in the obedience of women. Peter pointed to the example of Abraham’s wife, Sarah, who called her husband “Lord” (1 Pet. 3:6). Paul, too, directed women to show obedience (Eph. 5:22-24; Col. 3:18; Ti. 2:4). Interesting, Paul never specifically commanded wives to love their husbands. Children, too, were expected to obey their fathers (Eph. 6:1; Col. 3:21).

New Testament scriptures seem more restrictive that those of the Old Testament on the question of divorce. Moses permitted a man to divorce a women who is “unclean.” A woman divorced on such grounds could remarry (Deut. 24:1-4). Jesus seemed to affirm Moses when he permitted divorce for “fornication,” or “sexual immorality,” in newer translations (Matt. 5:31-32; 19:8-9). No one is really sure what this term means). The question of remarriage is perplexing. On the one hand, Jesus seemed to say that if a man divorced his wife for something other than “sexual immorality” and a remarriage of either party took place, the new marriage constituted adultery. On the other hand, Jesus seemed to imply that if a man divorced his wife for the legal reason of “sexual immorality,” they both could remarry. It seems unfair that a woman justly divorced could remarry but a woman unjustly divorced could not.

Paul, too, condemned divorce. In an extensive passage in 1 Corinthians 7, he commanded Christians to stay with unbelieving partners if the unbelieving partners were willing to do so. (Like many of Paul’s ethical teachings, this one he based on the mistaken belief that Jesus was coming soon. He urged believers to stay in bad marriages, single believers to not marry at all, and believing slaves to remain content in their status because the end of the age neared.) But if the marriage dissolved, he directed the Christian to remain single. (Another clear teaching of scripture routinely ignored by churches of all theological persuasions). Paul condemned adultery; but under Roman law, it was not punishable by death.

So again what do we make of all this? These New Testament passages, like the Old Testament passages, seem rooted in the time and culture from which they came rather that revealed wisdom of the eternal deity. As such, they contain general common sense observations about marriage and family on which most people can agree. Marriage is a union between man and woman for the propagation of the species. Of course, along with that biological purpose comes companionship and the formation of kinship networks based on consanguinity. A father is obligated to provide for his household, even in this modern era when so many women work outside the home. Biological necessary requires a woman to carry a child for several months. This will interrupt her income capacity. Men live under a different kind of necessity--to work. Children being children, parents need to direct them and children need to obey.

But many scriptures seem hopelessly out of date for modern Western societies. They lend support to a patriarchal model in which women are subjects rather than partners. The acceptance of polygamy (which no scriptures specifically condemns), the command that women are to obey their husbands in every thing, and the outlawing of divorce and remarriage resemble the tenants of that other Semitic religion Islam more closely than they do our modern concept of marriage. As such, they offer little helpful for modern American marriages.

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The Bible and Marriage: OT View Part 2

Old Testament marriage and family law governs parental relationships as well. A survey of some texts on a father’s duties to his children and their duties to him provides additional insight into marriage and family under Old Testament law. Fathers were expected to provide for their young. The law required them to teach the law to their children. (Deut. 6:7; 11:19). Proverbs is filled with sayings directed to fathers and their children.

Fathers could sell their children out as servants or buy their neighbors children as servants.. If a male servant married a female servant, he had to leave her behind once his time of service ended (Ex. 21:1-11). Laws regarding service took precedent over laws regarding marriage. Holy matrimony apparently did not inspire sentiments as strong as holy servitude.

Fathers arranged the marriages of their children. Genesis details the transaction of Abraham, Laban, and others as they arranged the marriages of their children. Custom permitted parents to inquire into the wishes of their children. The arrangements usually included a bride price (Gen. 24:53; Ex. 22:17). Neighboring pagan peoples shared the same customs ( Gen. 34:6-12). Usually the fathers arranged marriages within the clan. Again, Genesis details consanguineous marriage of the Jewish patriarchs.

Children’s duties included obedience to parents. Children being children, this is only common sense. One of the “Ten Commandments” required that child honor their parents (Ex. 20:12). Failure to do so became a source of shame. Proverbs, again, contains several sayings about foolish and rebellious children. Old Testament law dealt severely with children whose rebellion crossed certain lines. It required the execution of children who cursed or physically assaulted parents. (Ex. 21:15,17). This might wipe out entire teen departments in many churches.

So what are we to make of this? On the one hand, the Old Testament description of marriage and case law about marriage suggests a traditional patriarchal family structure that differed little from surrounding peoples of that era. Most other peoples had similar family structures and relationships. The little evidence we have about marriage in ancient Greece suggests a similar pattern: rule by the father over the wives who had no property rights or rights to divorce and rule over children, including arranging of marriages. Aristotle suggested that the husband’s rule over the wife was constitutional and his rule over the children was royal. With the paucity of historical evidence, it is impossible to discern how this distinction played out in day to day affairs. We do not even know if Aristotle’s passage described how marriages ought to be conceived or how they actually were conceived.

On the other hand, compared to Roman practice Old Testament law seems very harsh. Roman women enjoyed much more autonomy. They could own property. They enjoyed more freedom in arrangement of marriages. They could initiate divorce. Adultery was a civil issue at least until the reforms of Augustus. It did not constitute a criminal offense which required the death penalty. In many respects Old Testament descriptions of marriage and case law about marriage resembles traditional Semitic culture that persists today in Islamic countries. In those lands one finds patriarchy with total domination by the fathers over the lives of their wives and children. The Old Testament and Islamic concept of patriarchal marriage differs dramatically from today’s concept of marriage as a partnership .

Aside from some common sense or natural elements that include marriage between a man and woman, parents providing for their children, and parental direction of children, Old Testament law has little insight to offer about modern Western marriage. Today we do not arrange marriages with relatives. We do not expect bride prices and dowries. We do not typically “Lord” authority over wives and expect them to call us “Lord.“ We do not deny women the legal right to divorce husbands. And except maybe in Texas, we cannot legally kill them for adultery. And we do not force rape victims to wed their assailants.

Old Testament case law might be useful to the Christian minorities in traditional societies like those in Pakistan; but is has little to say to us in the modern West.

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The Bible and Marriage: OT View part 1

The first time I heard someone say “God made Adam and Eve, not Adam and Steve, “ it struck me as a very funny and a very common sense view. The statement does not provide much analysis of homosexuality, but its brevity is part of its strength. Everyone knows, however, that it never convinced anyone who did not believe already that homosexuality is unnatural. Thirty years later people still repeat it. After so much time it is no longer very funny, but it still strikes me as a very common sense view. The fact that after thirty years the question of homosexuality itself has evolved in the question of homosexual marriage, however, confirms that as an argument “God made Adam and Eve not Adam and Steve” lacks persuasiveness.

Yet Christians continue to repeat it, like they do the Scriptures themselves, as if it settles all arguments. In their minds, a paraphrase or direct quotation from the Word of God provides closure for every moral and public policy dispute. But does it? Is the Bible correct about homosexuality and the question of homosexual marriage? Is the Bible a sound guide to marriage to general? Let’s have a bible “sword” drill and see.

The major challenge in seeking answers to marital questions or any ohter question is the matter of interpretation. First, Christians organized the Scriptures around the idea of two covenants, commonly called the Old Testament and the New Testament. The Old Testament writings primarily concern the Mosaic Covenant (although they describe additional covenants as well.) The New Testament writings concern the Covenant of Jesus Christ. Theologians--and whole Christian denominations for that matter--disagree about the relationship between the covenants and their application for today. Second, the authors wrote the Old Testament in Hebrew and the New Testament in Aramaic. Later scribes translated them into Greek. Finally, the writings emerged from cultures very different from our own. All these factors present problems for interpretation. Let’s start with the writings of the Old Covenant. On this post, I first will look at texts describing duties of husbands and wives. In a second post, I will look at texts describing duties between parents and children. Then I will make some comments.

The first thing to note is marriage in the bible is confined to a man and a woman. This is natural in that it allows the continuation of the species--"be fruitful and multiply (Gen. 1:28).  Old Covenant Law required that everyone engaging in homosexual activity be executed (Lev. 18:22). When liberal Christian denominations try to legitimize homosexual relationships, they are completely dishonest. In America, they can ordain anything they want; just don’t call it Christianity.

 The second thing to note is that biblical families are patriarchal in organization. This means rule by the man. Theologians trace rule of the man to the creation ordinance. Woman was created as a helper for man. After the fall, he was “to rule” over the woman (Gen. 3:16).

On the most basic level, patriarchy means that the man provided economic sustenance and physical security for family members in return for deference and obedience on their part. Theologians see the origins of work in the creation ordinance. God placed Adam in a garden and commanded him to care for it (Gen. 2:15). It was the easy life, but not labor free. Man’s labors became much more intense after the fall. God cast man from the garden and cursed the ground (Gen. 3:17-19). Man forfeited a life of gathering fruit to one of tilling the ground. (Gen. 3:23). The Old Testament Scriptures provide little direct commands about work. They contain repeated directions about confining work to six days with a day of rest on the seventh, but not much else. Numerous proverbs , however, exhort men to diligence in their work (Pro. 10:4-5. 12:11, 13:4, etc.)

In this patriarchal arrangement, a man could have multiple wives. Abraham, Jacob, David, and Solomon all had more than one wife. Although the Old Testament law forbids polygamy to kings (Deut. 17:17), it does not forbid it outright to all people livng under Old Testament law. (Ex. 21:10; Deut. 21:15-17).

Men controlled Jewish religious life. They directed both the teaching of the law and the Temple sacrifices. Religious life of Jewish women fell under the direction of their husbands. For example, Jewish wives could not make a vow to God without their husbands approval (Num. 30:6-8).

According this patriarchal ideal, women were to obey their husbands. Old Testament Scriptures provide few direct commands on this question. It seems implicit in accounts of biblical couples. One New Testament observation makes it clear. Peter points to the example of Abraham’s wife, Sarah, who called her husband “Lord” (1 Pet. 3:6). Scriptures also make it more clear in the account of Esther and other Jews living in exile in Persia. The Persian queen Vashti refused a summons of her king. This created a royal uproar. “For this deed of the queen shall come abroad unto all women, so that they shall despise their husbands.” The king reacted with a decree that “all the wives shall give to their husbands honor, both great and small” and that “every man should bear rule in his own hous.” (Est. 1:17,22). Later the king acquired a submissive Jewish bride in Esther. According to the story, she intervened with the king to save the Jews from slaughter. Human nature being what it is, however, patriarchy did not necessarily lead to domestic bliss. The book of Proverbs contains several observations about living with an insubordinate woman (Pro. 21: 9, 21:19, 25:26, 27:15).

The patriarchal ideal looms larger when it comes to dissolving a marriage. The Old Testament law permits divorce and remarriage, although it is not clear on what grounds ( Deut. 24:1). No consensus exists on what Moses meant by “unclean.” But it was clearly a husband’s prerogative. No text that I have been able to find suggests a woman may divorce her husband.
A second third way to dissolve marriage is through honor killing. If a man takes a woman to be his lawfully wedded wife, and believes a wives' tale( or would this be a husband' tale) about ascertaining the bride's virginity through examination of the bed sheets, he can hold a public trial. If they ascertain she was not a virgin on her wedding day, she is guilty of shaming her father. The law requires her to be brought to her father's house and stoned to death.
 
 
A third way to dissolve a marriage appears more equal. When either party in a marriage commits adultery, Mosaic case law demands death to both parties. This apparent equality, however, may be illusory. Of course, one of the “Ten Commandments” forbids adultery. (Ex. 20:14) But when Moses lays out specific case law, such problems as adultery, seduction, and rape appear not so much crimes against God or the women, but against the woman’s male protector--the husband or the father. For example, if a man seduces an unmarried or unbetrothed woman, the law requires him to pay a bride price to the father and marry her. (Ex. 22:16). If a man seduces a married woman or betrothed woman, the law required their execution (Deut. 22:22-23). If a man rapes a married or unbetrothed woman, the law requires him to be executed ( (Deut. 22:25-27). In an especially morally outrageous case, if a man rapes a unmarried or unbetrothed woman, the law requires him to pay the bride price to the father and marry her (Deut. 22:28). Finally, if a man seduces a bondwoman, he is only whipped, because she is not free (Lev. 19:20).  In all these cases, the status of the woman regarding a male protector determines the outcome of the case.
Interestingly enough, never is the status of the male a factor in any of these cases. The law does not contain any example of case law on these questions specifically directed at married men. Usually readers assume that the commandment against adultery and the case law requiring death to adulterers covers transgression for an unfaithful husband or wife. The context of these case laws, however, is all about the status of a woman without regard to the status of the man.  If these examples of case law mean a man of whatever marital status, it means that a married man did not suffer the death penalty for adultery unless he violated the rights of another married man through a relationship with the latter’s wife. It suggests a patriarchal double standard for marital relationships. Part 2 will examine Old Testament Scriptures on fathers and children.
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When White People Don't Get It

When voters in California passed Proposition 8 affirming the legal definition of marriage exclusively between a man and a woman, homosexual marriage advocates took to the streets. Af first confined to major cities in California, rallies in other cities across the nation took place soon afterward. Homosexual marriage advocates organized additional protests after the California state supreme court upheld the constitutionality of the proposition. Homosexual marriage advocates see the setback as merely the first step in a movement to repeal the proposition. Because Proposition 8 passed with a smaller margin than Proposition 22 back in 2000, advocates remain hopeful that they will emerge victorious in any future referendum. They hope to wear down the voters. If enough voter fatigue sets in, victory will be theirs.
 
One of the common themes in protests equated opposition to homosexual marriage to hatred of homosexuals in general. Many signs conveyed the message "Stop the H8" or some other variation. Interesting enough, photos of the protests showed the homosexual marriage advocates with the contorted faces, clenched teeth, and raised fists. (At least one protester's placard  in a New York City rally, however, reminded fellow demonstrators to keep their passions under control with a message from the Prince of Peace: "Jesus said LOVE bi+ches"). A second theme equated the fight for homosexual marriage rights with the fight for civil rights for African-Americans. Some signs declared,  "Gay is the New Black." And interesting enough, the vast majority of the protesters were white. As will be see, these two themes are closely related.
 
The bold declaration that "Gay is the New Black" eventually graced the cover of the November 2008 edition of The Advocate. If the editors thought the title was too understated, they subtitled it "The Last Great Civil Rights Struggle." The on-line article, however, mutes this message heavily. It excerpts portions of the print edition feature article by Michael Joseph Gross. It carries the same title as the cover but punctuates it with a question mark. The article contains short vignettes about those involved in the stuggle but little substantive content about how homosexual marriage movement resembles the black civil rights movement. Gross appears uneasy linking the two movements in light of the fact that the vast majority of black voters supported Proposition 8. He tries to maintain the semblance of parity between the two movements by shifting the debate about  the role of black voters in passing the referendum to a warning about racism. He writes that "some drew the race-baiting false conclusion that blacks lost the election for us." How breaking down an election by demographics constitutes race-baiting he did not explain. But Gross seems plainly troubled that black voters do not see the homosexual marriage movement as a continuation of the black struggle for equal rights. And he concedes the limits to the comparison. He writes that the oppression of homosexuals is "nowhere near as extreme as blacks's and we insult them when we make facile comparisons between our plights." This partly explains why so few blacks see any similarity between the two causes. Readers took note, too, of the claim that "Gay is the New Black"and the lack of black participation in homosexual right movements. One reader commented on-line that the only time "you see a black face in any gay publication is in reference to an HIV medication. Otherwise, blacks are invisible in the alleged gay 'community'." In light of all this,  what is the point? 
 
On the website of GLAD, an article entitled Marriage: A History of Change tries to establish the same comparison. It, too, claims that "the last vestige discrimination in marriage lies in the refusal of the government to grant same sex couples access to the institution." The article summarizes changes that have taken place in marriage, particularly regarding interracial marriage, the rights of women in marriage, and the regulations concerning divorce. By far the longest section is that on interracial marriage. It covers the laws that prohibited interracial marriage and the legal cases that finally struck down those prohibitions. The author similarly forwards only modest claims about the similarity between prohibitions of interracial marriage and the prohibitions of homosexual marriage. Maybe because there are none to be made. Because homosexual marriages do not resemble heterosexual marriages-interracial or otherwise--in any meaningful way, a formidable challenge awaits anyone who tries to draw a detailed comparison between the two. Prohibitions against interracial marriage constituted only a  part of systemic legal barriers based upon the scientifically dubious category of race. The legal barriers were accompanied by  intimidation and violence. Nothing comparable exists regarding homosexuality. Most people just find homosexuality abnormal. All that can be argued is that laws in the past prohibited interracial marriage and have since been recognized as unjust. And laws today prohibit homosexual marriage; therefore, they, too, must be unjust. Without additional development of the argument, it is not very compelling.
 
If one wants to learn the point of the attempts to equate the homosexual marriage movement with the civil rights movement, one must remember what stands out most at the protests: the charge of hatred.  Demonstrators imply that hatred of homosexuals motivates opposition to their marriage rights just as hatred of blacks motivated opposition to their civil rights. If homosexual marriage advocates can make voters see today's opponents of homosexual marriage as no different than the pot-bellied Southern sheriffs of yesterday with tobacco stains on their uniforms, this will enhance their cause. Consequently, the battle cry "Gay is the New Black" is more about equating opponents of homosexual marriage with opponents of the black civil rights movement than about equating the two movements themselves.
 
So in the next couple of years, look for a drive to put a new referendum before California voters to repeal Proposition 8. Look for demonstrations accusing opponents of hatred. Look for celebrity spokespersons like Drew Barrymore, Cybill Shepherd, Perez Hilton, and Tom Hanks. Look for more comparisons with the civil rights movement. Just don't look for many black people.
 
For a perverse reminder of why the black experience should not be co-oped by homosexual marriage advocates, see
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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West Coast Story

A gangland war has erupted in California. And now it has spread across the nation. But it is not the typical conflict over territory, ethnicity, or narcotics distribution. Like the tale of Romeo and Juliet that Arthur Laurents modernized in West Side Story, the feud concerns love and the boundaries society erects to govern its expression. And like the simulated violence of the rumble between the Jets and the Sharks in the movie adaptation, verbal and ideological bloodletting has splattered across our television screens and the internet as gangbangers and their supporters rumble. All this because of a question and answer exchanged between Miss California Carrie Prejean and Celebrity Blogger Perez Hilton. Innocent bystanders wonder how something so inane as a beauty contest could bring out the worst in people.
 
Tonight, tonight,
There's only you tonight,
What you are, what you do, what you say.
 
Perez Hilton initiated the gang war. Why pageant officials chose him as a judge other that the first part of his professional title, Celebrity Blogger, remains unclear. Perhaps officials considered him an expert in all  things woman (intimate companionship excepted,  of course). Perhaps officials already knew what Hilton later claimed as one reason why he found Prejean's answer to his question so offensive: a large portion of pageant viewers are homosexual men. His selection attempted to tap into and expand that viewership. Whatever led to his selection as judge,  he appears to know little about pageants. During the interview stage of the contest, tradition demands that he lob a softball question that some contestant can knock out of the park, hopefully by vowing to use her pageant title to promote peace, love, and understanding between all peoples. Instead, he threw a firebomb in the form of the same-sex marriage question. But maybe he only appears to be ignorant of pageant tradition. Hilton's extraordinary success as a blogger amply demonstrates his shrewdness. His pageant question only confirmed it. If Hilton crafted the question to generate another ego-enhancing episode in his celebrity and ego-obsessed life, he achieved more success than even he imagined. The ensuing controversy diverted the spotlight from the pageant winner (whom few people probably now can identify by name or state) to him. And it renewed debate on that topic of utmost importance to Hilton:  same-sex marriage.
 
 So what was the firebomb question? "Vermont recently became the fourth state to legalize same-sex marriage. Do you think every state should follow suit? Why or why not?" Prejean later said she feared a question like that when she learned that Hilton was the submitter. She later confessed that she said a quick prayer that he would not ask the same-sex marriage question. Nevertheless, despite her efforts to secure divine intervention, he asked and she answered. " I think it's great American are able to choose one or the other," she replied. "We live in a land that you can choose same sex marriage or opposite marriage. And you know what, " she stumbled on,  "in my country, in my family, I think that I believe that a marriage should be between and man and a woman. No offense to anybody out there. That's how I was raised and that's how I think it should be, between a man and a woman. "
 
Dear kindly Sergeant Krupke,
You gotta understand,
It's just our bringing up-ke,
That gets us out of hand.
 
Prejean's response was as meaningless as it was muddled. "That's how I was raised" is a conventional answer to many questions, but it is not a particularly informative one. It suggests that Prejean as a child accepted the authority of the adults around her like everyone else; but now as an adult herself, however, she has never reconsidered anything she learned. Or if her thinking about these issues has confirmed those teachings she received as a child, she cannot remember the reasons. Moreover, place her answer in conjunction with other issues and hear how it sounds. "Yes, I am racist. But that's how I was raised. Yes, I am sexist. But that's how I as raised. Yes, I am gay. But that's how I was raised." Well, maybe not that last one. At any rate, she took a swing at Hilton's question and missed. Hilton's firebomb started a conflagration.
 
I feel pretty, Oh so pretty,
I feel pretty, and witty, and gay.
 
During the broadcast, Hilton shook his head in disappointment at Prejean's answer. Once he arrived home to his computer, rage took over. Relishing in the post-pageant attention he attracted to himself ("I was the You Tube moment of the show!"), he declared Prejean's answer the worst reply to a question in pageant history. He denied charges that she lost the pageant because of her opinion on same-sex marriage. In a display of his serrated-edged emotions but dull wit, Hilton explained the real reason she lost: "She is a dumb b****."
 
One wonders about the lack of reaction from this outrageous slur. Normally, when some man calls a woman a b**** it brings out the ire of feminists. The term is the first one to which a man turns when confronted with a woman who fails to show what he considers sufficient deference and submission. But this effort by the Queen of All Media to connect with his inner man failed to elicit much response from anyone except Prejean supporters. Maybe in feminist eyes the only thing worse that a man calling a woman a b**** is a woman entering a beauty contest in the first place.
 
In an effort to deflect charges that Prejean's opinion itself cost her the crown, the ever helpful Hilton suggested what he called an acceptable answer. According to Hilton, Prejean could have described how the federal system allows voters in each state to decide whether or not to legalize same-sex marriage. He claimed this would have satisfied him. But this would not suffice as answer either. The workings of the federal system were implicit in the question. To merely repeat the premise of the question is to evade it.  The question itself demanded Prejean's opinion on what voters in each state should do. And she gave it. Hilton's disingenuous assertion that his question only inquired into the relationship between federalism and the same-sex marriage question is false. He protested that her answer "alienated" millions and that he wanted a Miss California that unites and inspires. Remember high school government class? Neither Hilton nor anyone elseever  has  heard inspiring words on the federal system. It seems clear that Prejean's opinion would have provoked the same white hot opposition even had she support it with coherent reasoning.
 
 
Modest and pure,
Polite and refined,
Well-bred and mature,
And out of her mind.
 
New skirmishes broke out when some photographer released images taken of Prejean from behind posing in underwear with no top. Other more revealing photos followed. For Prejean's supporters, this manifest an underhanded and concerted effort to remove her crown for the expression of her views. The photos only served as the pretext. For Prejean's opponents,  the photos arrived at an opportune time. No provision in pageant rules provide for removing the title from a winner because of her views on same-sex marriage or any other topic. But the existence of the photos, which Prejean failed to disclose, seemed to provide the grounds for taking her crown. When confronted with the accusations of lying by ommission, Prejean disconnected again. She explained that the photo session took place way back when she was only seventeen, too young to know about covering one's breasts. (In her short life and current circumstances, it must seem like a long time ago.)  She also attributed the "windy day" for the additional unchoreographed exposure under the loose fitting top in the second set of photos. (As good a liar as Janet Jackson.) And she claimed that someone electronically altered the photos. No doubt in the future she will keep prospective employers--especially those in church ministries--abreast of her modeling history.
 
You're never alone,
You're never disconnected,
You're at with your own,
When company's expected,
You're well protected.
 
Both Prejean and Hilton toured friendly cable televison outlets, seeking recruits for their gangland feud. Prejean segments appeared several times on right-leaning FOX. In these segments, she fleshed out  her religious objections to same-sex marriage. Attempting to recruit the ultimate gangbanger for support,  she claimed that God has been with her testing her faith through this experience. She attempted to explain her photos. And she asserted that her position on same-sex marriage cost her the Miss USA crown (about the only thing on which Prejean and Hilton agree). FOX network personalities generally gave her solid  support. Aside from Greta Van Susteren pressing her with questions on civil unions and adoption rights,  most FOX personalities let her tell her story. They never considered the emptiness of her answer and how inarticulately she delivered it. Because they saw that Prejean clearly suffered these attacks for her opinion rather than its poor expression, they rallied  around Prejean to praise her honesty and sincerity. No time for doubts or tough questions when in a rumble.
 
Officer Krupke-you're really a square,
This boy don't need a judge, he needs an analyst's care,
It's just his neurosis that ought to be cured,
He's psychologically disturbed.
 
Meanwhile, Hilton gave an interview to Nora O'Donnell at left-leaning MSNBC.  It, too, was an occasion for friendly support. It was supposed to be an attempt to short up Hilton's claim that it was not her values that cost her the pageant but her uninformed answer.O'Donnell repeated the accusation of Prejean's ignorance on the legal status of same-sex marriage. O'Donnell remarked that most Americans cannot, in fact, choose same-sex marriage. It is actually not clear from Prejean's rambling response during the pageant if she meant that same-sex couples can choose marriage (which is, of course, erroneous) or if she meant that voters can choose to legalize same sex marriage (which is, of course, correct. Maybe Prejean remembered something from high school government class after all.) Hilton agreed with O'Donnell's analysis.  But it soon became clear that Prejean's alleged ignorance of the legal staus of same-sex marriage was not the source of Hilton's rage.  When O'Donnell provided Hilton with the opportunity to distance himself from the sexist comments posted on his blog, however, the interview went awry. O'Donnell noted Hilton's apology for the b**** comment. She gave him a chance to repeat it for the benefit of any viewers who missed it and still may be wavering on whose side to line up. Hilton said that after thinking about it, he decided to take back his apology. (For Hilton, thinking means revisiting the swirl of emotions he felt that first night and settling on the authentic ones that provided the most exhilarating adrenalin rush). He confessed that he really felt like calling Prejean "the C word." Equating a woman to a street term for her genitalia is the ultimate reductionism in sexist expression. Poor  Ms. O'Donnell. She failed to muster any feminist rage. Demonstrating less poise that Prejean on pageant night, she became speechless in the face of Hilton's obscene and sexist comment. She could only lower her eyes and say thank you.
 
Could it be?
Yes, it could.
Something's coming, something good.
 
Miss California pageant officials immediately distanced themselves from Prejean. They neither met with her after the Miss USA contest nor congratulated her on finishing first runner-up.  Shortly afterward, Miss California pageant co-director Keith Lewis said he was "personally saddened and hurt" by Prejean's views. He asserted that "religious beliefs have no place in politics in the Miss California family"--whatever that means.  Maybe he should have screened the questions and purged them of religious and political content. Co-director and former Miss California Shanna Moakler said that she, too, felt "sad and hurt" by Prejean's opinion. She said that she agreed with Hilton 100%: "It's one thing to have an opinion . . . it's another to alienate those who care about you." Again, only one answer from Prejean will do.
 
After the release of the photos, it appeared that the something good coming for pageant officials might be Prejean's resignation or removal. According to Moakler, Prejean's failure to disclose the existence of the photos violated her contract. Moakler decided in the interest of full disclosure to reveal another  Prejean secret. The breasts that co-starred in those photos came courtesy of the Miss California pageant. But something good never came. Donald Trump decided that Prejean could stay. So Moakler left. In her resignation, she reiterated that she did not object to the content of the photos, only to the failure of Prejean to disclose them to pageant officials. In that statement, she demonstrated that out of Prejean, Hilton, and Moakler, she may be the only honest woman in the bunch. She faithfully fulfilled her contract as Miss California. Only after her contract expired did she display her goods for the crotch-watchers at Playboy magazine. She said she could not support an organization that failed to insure that contestants adhere to contract terms. Now, she says, she will no longer serve as a role model for beauty pageant contestants but will instead focus on serving as a role model for her children.
 
Meanwhile Prejean has affiliated herself with the National Organization for Marriage as an spokesperson for traditional marriage or, as most call it, marriage. And the California Supreme Court's decision upholding marriage did not bring peace to the streets; it only filled them with angry protesters vowing to bring the question to the voters again.
 
And the attrition continues.
 
Somewhere . . .
We'll find a new way of living,
We'll find a new way of forgining,
Somewhere . . .
 
 
 
 West Side Story lyrics by Stephen Sondheim.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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